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THE LABADIST COLONY 



IN 



MARYLAND 



Series XVII No. 6 

JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 

IN 

Historical and Political Science 

HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor 



History is past Politics and Politics are present History. — Freeman 



THE LABADIST COLONY 



IN 



MARYLAND 



BY 

BARTLETT B. JAMES, Ph.D. 

II 



TH'E JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS, BALTIMORE 

Published Monthly 

JUNE, 1899 






COPYRIGHT 1899 BY N. MURRAY. 



By transfer 

MAY 17 im 



4 




CONTENTS. 



Page 

Introduction 7 

Doctrines of the Labadists 9 

Government of the Labadists 15 

Labadie and the Labadists 20 

Colonization in America 26 

Labadists and the Manor . 38 

Bibliography ,. t 43 



The Labadist Colony in Maryland 



INTRODUCTION. 

This monograph treats of what was practically a lost 
chapter in the early history of Maryland. In the year 1864 
Mr. Henry C. Murphy, then corresponding member of the 
Long Island Historical Society, discovered in an old book 
store in Amsterdam a manuscript which proved to be the 
journal of two commissioners, sent out by a peculiar reli- 
gious body, that had originated in a defection from the Re- 
formed Church of The Netherlands, to discover in the new 
world a suitable place for the establishment of a colony that 
should perpetuate their principles. 

Prior to the discovery of this document, it was indeed 
traditionally known that a peculiar sect of people, called 
Labadists, had settled on the estates of Augustine Herrman 
in the first half of the seventeenth century. Nor had the fact 
only a traditional basis, for there were indeed fragmentary 
references to these people in the early records of the State 
and in historical manuscripts, as well as occasional isolated 
notices in contemporary writers. But, withal, the informa- 
tion was so meager as to preclude the possibility of a proper 
conception of their place or importance in the early history 
of the State. 

Mr. Murphy translated and published the manuscript in 
the "Memoirs of the Long Island Historical Society." He 
accompanied it with an introductory sketch of the rise and 
development of the Labadists sufficient to assign it to its 
proper place among the historical documents of the State. 
Since Mr. Murphy's publication, the "Bohemia Manor" 



8 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [278 

has received the attention of two persons, whose family 
affiliation with its history renders them peculiarly com- 
petent to undertake its recital. I refer to General James 
Grant Wilson, who delivered an address on "An Old Mary- 
land Manor/' before the Maryland Historical Society, in 
1890, and another address before the New Jersey Historical 
Society in the same year, on "Augustine Herrman, Bohe- 
mian, 1605-1686," besides an extended sketch of the manor, 
in the Dutch-American Magazine, for 1886; and the Rev. 
Charles Payson Mallary, who issued a monograph on "The 
Ancient Families of Bohemia Manor," in 1888, in the publi- 
cations of the Delaware Historical Society. While treating 
exhaustively of the history of "Bohemia Manor" proper, 
neither of these gentlemen have contributed anything to 
that important phase of its history, a study of which is con- 
templated in the present monograph. It seems unfortunate 
that an important chapter in the religious life of colonial 
Maryland should so long have failed of adequate treat- 
ment, a failure due, however, to the unavailability of 
material. There is indeed no lack of materials for a proper 
study of the Labadists, but such materials have been inac- 
cessible because, with few exceptions, they were not to be 
found in this country. The writer has succeeded in obtain- 
ing from abroad a number of the contemporary sources and 
authoritative works bearing upon the subject, and has 
sought to embody such research in a paper designed to set 
forth a history of the rise and development of Labadism, and 
of that system of doctrine, religious polity and administra- 
tion, which was so faithfully reproduced by the colony 
beyond the seas. By availing himself of the materials 
already at hand it has been possible to write a history of the 
Labadist settlement on "Bohemia Manor," such as was pre- 
viously impracticable. 



CHAPTER I. 
DOCTRINES OF THE LABADISTS. 

Labadism was a late product of that spirit of reform 
which inaugurated the Protestant systems. Theologically, 
it belonged to the school of Calvin. In its spirit, however, 
it was in the direct line of that vein of mysticism which is 
met throughout the history of the Christian Church. In the 
mode of life which it prescribed, it was conformable to that 
sentiment of ideal brotherhood, which, though not dis- 
tinctively a Christian conception, has been ever a favorite 
mode of representing the fellowship of Christian believers. 

Its theology was not distinctive enough to differentiate 
it from the Reformed Church of The Netherlands, of which 
it was an off-shoot. But there were certain individual 
characteristics in Labadism sufficient to give it a character 
quite distinct from that of the established church. Yet, as 
will be noticed later, these distinctive elements in Labadism 
embraced no principle vital enough to insure their perpetua- 
tion. At best, Labadism was a sporadic effort to effect a 
reform in the established church, to infuse a sentiment of 
deeper fervor in its formal administrations, and to awaken 
in the believer devoutness of spirit by enjoining austerities 
of life, abnegation of the flesh, and renunciation of the world. 

Though, like most profoundly spiritual movements, it 
was influenced by its millennial hopes, yet it would be an 
error to place Labadism in the category of those Adventist 
sects which have a brief existence, as prophets of the coming 
kingdom, only to decline when the time of the supposed 
Advent has passed by. These millennial hopes were not a 
part of the system itself, but only an expression of that 
spirit of profound pietism which, in response to the 



10 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [280 

announcement, "Behold, I come quickly!" yearningly 
responds, "Even so, come, Lord Jesus!" 

The influences which shaped Labadism must be sought 
in the theological controversies of the day — controversies 
which, as one of the Dutch writers expresses it, "warmed 
the head and cooled the heart." The Cartesian and Aristo- 
telian schools of philosophy found their counterparts in the 
Church in the adherents respectively of John Kock and 
Gysbert Voet. The Cocceian was the more influential, the 
Voetian the more evangelical. The Labadists were a radi- 
cal development in the Voetian party, until their separation 
from the Reformed Church. Labadism emphasized the vig- 
orous protest of the Voetian party against the moral laxity 
and spiritual lassitude countenanced by the established 
Church. 

The theology of Labadism may be briefly summarized 
from the catechism prepared by du Lignon, a prominent 
member of the Labadist community, as well as from other 
contemporary sources, to which the writer has had access. 1 

The progressive plan of God for the salvation of the 
race was embraced in four covenants. The first was one of 
nature and of works. This was a race covenant and was 
based on the laws of God as implanted in human nature. 
Its infringement by Adam, produced from the inexhaustible 
stores of God's goodness, the second covenant, "more excel- 
lent and holy than the first" — that of grace. During the 
continuance of this race covenant, which extended up to the 
coming of Christ, and which provided for the salvation — 
through the merits of the promised Redeemer — of all who 
came within its provisions, there was established a special 
covenant with Abraham. The benefits of this covenant 
extended to all his posterity, and to those who became his 
spiritual children by entering into his belief. Its sign was 

X P. du Lignon: "Catechismus of Christelyke onderwyzinge," etc., 
pt. III. Koelman, J : "Historisch Verhael nopende der Labadisten 
Scheuringh," Preface, v. 



281] Doctrines of the Labadists. 11 

circumcision, and the salvation of those who received it was 
no longer conditionally provided for under the general 
covenant of grace, but was assured through especial calling 
and election. This covenant was superseded by a special 
covenant with Moses. It is described by du Lignon as 
"typical, ceremonial, literal and entirely external; hence, 
only designed as temporary in order to set forth the grace 
and truth of Christ by symbols." 1 The Israelites were 
united to God by the covenant of grace and the outward 
covenant as well, but all other races could be united to God 
only by the outward covenant. But this ceremonial covenant 
was only intended to prepare the way for the reception of 
Christ. As Christ had been manifested in the time of the 
patriarchs by sacraments, promises, visions and the com- 
munication of his spirit, so now under the covenant with 
Israel he was revealed by fuller and more frequent prophe- 
cies, by sacraments and shadows, by revelations and appear- 
ances, and by the outpouring of the spirit. 

But the fourth and last covenant was the consummation 
of the revelation of Christ and of the plan of salvation. It 
differed from the covenant entered into with Adam in that 
it was not hidden under a cloak of ceremonials. It was also 
a covenant of fulfillment instead of one of promise; it was 
clearer, holier and more exalted than its predecessors. 
Faith was its condition, obedience its sign. It included in 
its gracious provisions only the elect. The heart was con- 
ceived of as a tablet on which was inscribed the law of love. 
Pardon, holiness and salvation were its fruits. This cove- 
nant placed the renewed spirit, which it provided in contra- 
distinction to the works of the law. The new spirit made 
possible a new life. The symbols of this covenant as insti- 
tuted by Christ were baptism and the Lord's Supper. When 
the Lord had sealed this covenant by his death and ascen- 

1 "Catechismus," III, 16. A. M. van Schurman: "Eucleria Seu 
Melioris Partis Electio," p. 9, v. v. "Historisch Verhael," etc., 
p. 252. Yvon: "De regten aard van't oude en nieuwe verbond." 



12 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [282 

sion, he sent the Holy Spirit to lead into it his elect and to 
keep them under its provisions. 

The Holy Spirit is conceived of as operating through 
the Scriptures and the administration of the sacraments, as 
well as by the more direct way of immediate communication 
to the souls of the elect or faithful, his presence in the heart 
being indicated by the conduct of the believer. The Church 
was to be a community of the elect kept separate from the 
world by its pure teachings. This Church was to be uni- 
versal and holy, comprehending all believers; the love of 
the truth as it is in Christ Jesus, being the common bond. 
Outside of this Church there was no safety, and from it 
there could be no severance. 1 It was to be distinguished by 
two great periods : the one of sorrow, conflict, work and 
crosses ; the other of triumph and honor, the millennial 
reign on earth of the Church triumphant. 2 

Those who were uncircumcised, impure, and abomina- 
tions of desolation 3 were represented to have crept into the 
fold, but with such the members of the true spiritual Church 
were to have no communion. To this doctrine of the sep- 
aration of the believer from the unbeliever is directly attri- 
butable the communal mode of life of the Labadists. 4 In its 
rigid application it made it the duty of husband and wife 
to separate if either were not of the elect Church. The 
elect Church came to be synonymous with the Church of the 
Labadists, so that a Labadist could not be lawfully united to 
one who was outside of his belief. This necessary conse- 
quence of the doctrine of the separation of believers and 
unbelievers was embodied in an explicit tenet, as follows : 
"Beide personen begenadigd en wedergeboren zyn, omdat 

1 "Het Heylige voor de Heyligen," p. 724. "Eucleria," p. 152. J. 
de Labadie: "Le Heraut du grand Roi J6sus." 

2 H. van Demeter, "Saatste monarchic, " in his work: "De opend 
van J6sus Christ." 

3 "Eucleria," pp. 196, 202. 

4 "Catechismus," III. De Labadie: "Wedergeboren of geen 
Christen." 



283] Doctrines of the Labadists. 13 

anders het huwelyk niet heilig kan zyn en een geloovige 
moet geen juk aandoen met een angeloovige." 1 

Another important element of the new covenant was 
freedom from the dominion of law. The only law to which 
the believer was subject was the new law of Spirit and of 
love. The effect of this doctrine as applied by the Labadists, 
was to nullify the ceremonial system of the Old Testament, 
and to reduce to a position of incidental importance all its 
specific moral injunctions. With this conception, the law of 
Sabbath observance lost its importance. As a part of the 
old Jewish system it failed of honor among them. But, in 
effect, the Labadists did observe the Sabbath as a rest day, 
not on conscientious grounds, but in consideration of the 
scruples of others ; in other words, so that they might not 
render themselvs legally amenable to the civil authorities 2 
for its infraction. 

As none save the true believers were included in the new 
covenant, so evidently no others had a right to the signs and 
seals of this covenant. This was the basis of the Labadists' 
doctrines concerning the Lord's Supper and baptism. Bap- 
tism, according to the Labadist formula, insured the wash- 
ing away of sins and the sealing of a new covenant of grace 
with God. 3 

Infant baptism was discountenanced, because it could 
not be told beforehand whether the child would grow up as 
the elect of God in grace or increase in sins. Yet the bap- 
tism of the children of believers was not actually proscribed 
by the Labadists. In lieu of infant baptism, the child was 
brought before the Church, presented, consecrated and 
blessed. 

1 Both persons must be pardoned and regenerated because other- 
wise the marriage cannot be considered holy ; and a believer may 
not assume the yoke with an unbeliever. — "Catechismus," III. 
Yvon: " Le Mariage Chretien." 

2 " Eucleria," p. 106, v. v. 

3 Yvon: "Leer van den h. doop en deszelfs zuivere bediening," etc. 



14 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [284 

The Lord's Supper also was limited to those who were 
beneficiaries of the new covenant. 1 Even such as they could 
not partake of it when conscious of sin. Indeed they affirm- 
ed that it were better that the sacrament should not be 
administered at all, than that one unworthy person should 
partake of it. 

In addition to the sacraments and preaching, the new 
covenant provided for the study of the Scriptures as a 
medium of communication between the Holy Spirit and the 
Church. This was strongly insisted on by the Labadists. 
But yet, they insisted quite as strongly, that while the read- 
ing of the Bible was a medium of communication for the 
Holy Spirit, the Spirit was not limited to any medium, and 
even though the Bible was not read, the believer could not 
fail to be instructed immediately by the Spirit in all Christian 
doctrine. The effect of this teaching was to cause the place 
and importance of the Bible to be underestimated. 2 Yet the 
preaching of the Word was obligatory on the part of the 
teachers, and the speaking brothers and sisters were also 
commissioned to interpret and to apply it to their hearers. 

Labadism was essentially a mystical form of faith, 
teaching supreme reliance upon the inward illumination of 
the Spirit. And yet the w r orks of the Labadists disclose a 
high form of Christian faith and aspiration. Whatever its 
defects, and the opportunities for hypocritical pretence 
which it offered, Labadism was yet a standard of faith and 
conduct which no one could conform to without at the same 
time exemplifying high Christian graces. True, Jean de 
Labadie, the founder of the faith, was a profound mystic, 
seeing visions and hearing voices, receiving revelations as 
to his course and conduct, and thereby discrediting himself 
with many intelligent admirers of his fearless eloquence 
and reforming zeal. 

1 Yvon: " Het heylige voor de heyligen." 

2 " Declar. fidei," p. 228. 






CHAPTER II. 
GOVERNMENT OF THE LABADISTS. 

In its government, the Church of the Labadists was a 
strongly centralized church, all mission communities being 
directed from the Mother Church at Weiward. 1 Pierre 
Yvon, the successor of de Labadie, was regarded as the 
Supreme Father of the whole Church. With him were 
associated a number of governors or superintendents, who 
met in an assembly for the transaction of business of im- 
portance. The superintendents comprised the speaking bro- 
thers or ministers and the more eminent of the women. 
These constituted a class of preachers, teachers and Bible 
readers, who had charge also of the instruction of the 
youth. Sometimes there was held a general assembly, includ- 
ing all the members of the community above the rank of 
novice. The superintendents constituted an advisory council 
to the supreme head of the Church. It was this superior 
council which received the reports from the heads of the 
various daughter churches, and it was this council that 
passed upon all recommendations for elevation to the rank 
of full brother or sister of those who had been received into 
any of the communities as novices. Thus the community in 
Maryland was kept under the direct controlling influence of 
the Mother Church. 

At the head of the Maryland community was Bishop, 
or Superintendent Sluyter. Unquestioning obedience to 
those placed over them was rigidly exacted of every member 
of the community. Dittleback (who had himself been a 
Labadist, and had severed his connection with the Church) 

x Du Lignon : "Catechismus," III, chap. 9-13. 

15 



16 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [826 

assures us, in his "Verval en Val Labadisten," that Sluyter 
arrogated to himself and his wife absolute authority in the 
Maryland community, without regard to the provision in 
the Labadist system for an assembly of the brothers and 
sisters of the higher order. 

Each member of the community had his or her assign- 
ment of work and duties. Order and system of the most 
admirable character prevailed in all departments of the com- 
munity. 1 Some were in charge of the laundry, others of the 
cooking ; others again were nurses and physicians. To such 
minute detail did the system extend that Dittleback assures 
us that a register was kept of the number of pieces of bread 
and butter consumed at a meal. The different families had 
dwellings according to their needs, though, by partitioning 
off the larger compartments, strict economy cf space was 
observed. All rooms were at all times open to the pastors 
and to those who held oversight in their name. Those who 
joined the community resigned into the common stock all 
their possessions. Individuality in attire was suppressed. 
"The haughtiness of the worldly spirit must be subdued" 
was a tenet far-reaching and well understood by each mem- 
ber of the community. 2 Degrading tasks were assigned those 
suspected of pride. Samuel Bownas, a minister of the Society 
of Friends, in the record of his visit to the community 
gives a more particular account of their table discipline than 
can be found elsewhere. He says : "After we had dined we 
took our leave, and a friend, my guide, went with me and 
brought me to a people called Labadists, where we were 
civilly entertained in their way. When supper came in, it 
was placed upon a large table in a large room, where, when 
all things were ready, came in at a call, twenty men or up- 
wards, but no women. We all sat down, they placing me and 
my companion near the head of the table, and having passed 



1 H. Van Berkum: Labadie en de Labadisten, part II, p. 113. 
2 "Catechismus," III, chap. 9. 



287J Government of the Labadists. 17 

a short space, one pulled oft his hat, but not so the rest till 
a short space after, and then they, one after another, pulled 
all their hats off, and in that uncovered posture sat silent 
uttering no word that we could hear for nearly half a quar- 
ter of an hour, and as they did not uncover at once, neither 
did they cover themselves again at once, but as they put on 
their hats fell to eating not regarding those who were still 
uncovered, so that it might be ten minutes time or more 
between the first and last putting on of their hats. I after- 
wards queried with my companion as to their conduct, and 
he gave for an answer that they held it unlawful to pray 
till they felt some inward motion for the same, and that 
secret prayer was more acceptable than to utter words, and 
that it was most proper for every one to pray as moved 
thereto by the spirit in their own minds. I likewise queried 
if they had no women amongst them. He told me they had, 
but the women ate by themselves and the men by themselves, 
having all things in common respecting their household 
affairs, so that none could claim any more right than another 
to any part of their stock, whether in trade or husbandry; 
and if any one had a mind to join with them, whether rich or 
poor, they must put what they had in the common stock, and 
afterwards if they had a mind to leave the society they must 
likewise leave what they brought and go out empty-handed. 
They frequently expounded the Scriptures among them- 
selves, and being a very large family, in all upwards of a 
hundred men, women and children, carried on something of 
the manufacture of linen and had a large plantation of corn, 
flax and hemp, together with cattle of several kinds." The 
custom of beginning the meal by chanting a psalm, which 
was the practice at Weiward, seems to have fallen into dis- 
use in the Maryland community. In other respects, how- 
ever, the observations of Samuel Bownas agree very accur- 
ately with what we know to have been the custom of the 
Mother Church. 

The following extract from the "Verval en Val Laba- 



18 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [288 

disten," by Peter Dittleback, affords an instructive side- 
light upon the life of the Maryland Labadists, particularly 
as to their views of marriage. The writer says : "A friend 
of mine arriving from Sluyter's community has made revela- 
tions to me with regard to their doctrine of marriage. 

* * * He went there with a full surrender of himself, 
family, goods and effects. His penitence, Sluyter wrote, 
was unusual. The letter was read to us at Wei ward and we 
rejoiced exceedingly over his conversion; but now since he 
has left them, they charge and blacken him with sin. He 
was compelled not only to submit to the mortifications im- 
posed by Sluyter, but also to those of Sluyter's wife, who had 
shortly previous arrived from YVeiward and took a little 
hand in mortifying. What they thought of at night had to 
be done somehow during the day. Indeed they made it so 
sharp that a brother who had been sent over from Weiward 
would remain with them no longer, but returned to Wei- 
ward, where also he was humiliated. This abasing cannot 
continue a long time among these people. My friend's wife 
had five small children whom she brought with her to this 
new cloister discipline. When she kissed them she was 
rebuked for showing so naturally her fleshly cleavings. 

* * * I could tolerate Weiward in some degree, that 
there should be no fire in the cells, although it is cold there 
in the winter, because turf is dear, and so many families could 
not be supplied unless at great expense, but this friend told 
me that Sluyter would not allow them to have any fire in 
order to harden them and to mortify and subdue the sins of 
the body, while there was so much wood there that they 
were obliged to burn it in the fields to get it out of the way : 
but Sluyter had his own hearth well provided night and day. 
My friend had never suffered more cold and hardship than 
among these people, and he frequently made a fire in the 
woods in order to warm himself. His wife had no mind to 
remain in this cloister under such an abbess, who censured 
her at the time she had a child nursing at her breast, because 
she drank too much at the table, and when afterwards she 



289] Government of the Labadists. 19 

drank less, because she left off too soon. As they saw these 
things did not please his wife they began to talk to him 
more plainly and freely concerning marriage, arguing that 
hell was full of ordinary marriages, saying, among other 
tilings, these abominable words : 'It was for God alone to 
judge whether he cohabitated with a harlot or with his 
wife.' The wife fearful lest they should take her husband 
away from her, of which there had been at that place more 
than one instance, sought very affectionately to speak to her 
husband privately, and to exhort him to steadfastness, as 
she had come away with him from Amsterdam and was 
there in a strange land with her little children. They had 
succeeded, however, with him so far that he began to keep 
himself away from her. His wife being very angry about 
it, the abbess jeeringly asked her if she could not be one 
night without her husband? The husband finally began to 
attack their doctrine about marriage out of the Scriptures, 
showing that the apostles had not taught so. He asked 
Sluyter what marriage he came of? Whether his parents 
were not married in the ordinary way? They began to 
wonder at this man's opposing them out of the Scriptures, 
until finally he told them soundly that all connection between 
him and them was at an end. They were confounded, and 
went at him in another way, saying we have several times 
spoken about marriage, which is a delicate subject, but 
we must also say to you that when there are any who cannot 
conduct themselves that way in the marriage relation, we 
will tolerate them. But how tolerate, as a brother? No; 
but only as regards community of goods and living together. 
This was a new trick to get him in ; but they had already 
blabbed too much. They did not look favorably upon his 
going back to Holland, and attempted to frighten him from 
it, asking him if he were not afraid to trust himself on the 
sea, and fall from one pit into another? But he persevered, 
and the Lord helped him and his, in an especial manner, to 
reach the Father-land in safety." 1 

1 "Verval en Val Labadisten," Letter III. 



CHAPTER III. 
LABADIE AND THE LABADISTS. 

"Few theologians," says Dr. J. D. T. Schotel, in his 
"Anna Maria van Schurman," "have ever lived, concerning 
whom their contemporaries have spoken and written with 
deeper contempt and more unstinted praise than Jean de 
Labadie." But with all the diversities of opinion concerning 
him, there was a general concensus of opinion as to his wide 
and varied learning and his matchless pulpit eloquence, while 
his sermons and treatises remain to-day as evidences of his 
theological grasp. 

He was born at Bordeaux, in France, February 10, 
1610. 1 His parents entered him at the Jesuit College, where 
later he became a member of the lower order of the priest- 
hood. His mystical views and eccentricities finally made 
him objectionable to the Jesuits. For this reason, as many 
writers believe, though ostensibly on the ground of ill-health, 
he secured his release from the order and became a secular 
priest. His genius and talents had led the Jesuits to tolerate 
him until his attacks upon salient features of the Catholic 
Church, 2 added to his fanaticism, made him altogether unde- 
sirable. He considered himself immediately inspired in his 

^haufepie, "Nouveau Dictionnaire Historique et Critique." Some 
of the Dutch writers give his birth as February 13. Dittleback 
declares that he was an illegitimate son of Henry IV, whom he 
greatly resembled. The more general and credible view is that 
his father was a French noble, Chaufepie. Niceron, Basnage, in 
his "Annals des Provinces Unies," p. 52, Spener, et al., hold that 
the father of Labadie was a soldier of fortune, who rose to be 
Governor of Bourg. 

2 J. de Labadie: "Grace and the Efficacious Vocation." Mollerus: 
"Cimbria Littera." 
20 



291] Labadie and the Labadists. 21 

utterances. 1 He attracted the attention of P. Gondran, sec- 
ond general of the oratory of Paris, and received a call to 
that city, the whole body of the Sarbonne uniting in the 
call. 2 The fame he acquired there, extended beyond the 
borders of his own country. 

Jesuitical jealousy persecuted him with stories of gross 
immorality 3 and caused him to leave Paris for Amiens. 4 
Here he had the good fortune to come under the notice of 
the courtiers of Louis XIII, who recommended him to the 
good offices of their sovereign and Cardinal Richelieu. Until 
the death of the latter he was safe from attack. 5 At Paris 
he had united with the Jansenists and had been unsparing in 
his crusade against the Jesuits ; but not alone against them, 
for in a preaching tour throughout Picardy, he had severely 
arraigned the Catholic Church at large. 

His declared intention was to reform the Church, and 
he conducted his services after what he considered the apos- 
tolic model. 

On the death of Richelieu and the succession of Car- 
dinal Mazarin, the Jesuits obtained an order cf the Court 
for the arrest of Labadie, who was saved its execution by 
the death of the King. In 1645 ne was cited to appear at 
Court along with his friend the Bishop of Amiens. He was 
sentenced to perpetual imprisonment, which sentence was 
modified on appeal from the Assembly of the Clergy of 
France, then in session. He was ordered to renounce his 
opinions and to refrain from preaching for a period of 



1 "Declaration de la Foi," p. 84; "Historisch Verhael nopens Laba- 
disten Scheuringh," p. 109. 

2 "Declaration de Jean de Labadie," p. 122. 

Dutch historians discredit these stories; many French writers 
affect to believe them. 

* Chaufepie says : "One is not able to understand the motives that 
prompted Labadie to leave Paris,," but Labadie seems to make it 
clear in his "Declaration," p. 122-123, 

5 Mollerus, p. 36: "Declaration," 124, et seq. 



22 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [292 

years. 1 During a second forced retirement, 2 he obtained and 
read a copy of "Calvin's Institutes," which had a determin- 
ing influence on his after-career. The result of his solitary 
reflections is summarized in these words: "This is the last 
time that Rome shall persecute me in her Communion. Up 
to the present I have endeavored to help and to heal her, 
remaining within her jurisdiction; but now it is full time 
for me to denounce her and to testify against her." 3 

In 1650 he proceeded to the Chateau of the Count of 
Tavas where he adjured his former faith, adopted that of 
the Calvinistic system, and was later ordained a Protestant 
minister. The reception of the famous priest was heralded 
as the greatest Protestant triumph since the days of Calvin. 4 

Montauban, Orange, and Geneva were the scenes of 
his labors. He declined to consider many splendid overtures 
for a renewal of his Catholic allegiance. 5 At the Protestant 
center of Geneva, his services were attended by persons from 
all parts of France, Holland, Switzerland, The Netherlands 
and England. Among his converts were Pierre Yvon and 
Du Lignon, both prominent in the later history of Labadism ; 
also Abraham van Schurman and his sister Anna Maria, 
who was considered the foremost literary woman of her 
day. 6 

De Labadie found the Protestant Church also in need of 
a reformer, and addressed himself zealously to the work. 
Voetius, Essenius and Lodenstein, prominent theologians of 
Utrecht, whither Labadie had been called through the influ- 

*De Labadie: "Traite de la Solitude Chr^tienne." 
2 "Cimbria Littera," p. 37. 

3 Schotel : "Anna Maria van Schurman," p. 160. 

4 Among the treatises he published at this time were the "Declara- 
tion de la Foi" and the "Practique des Oraisons mentale et vocale." 

5 "Nouveau Dictionnaire," etc., Article, Labadie. 

6 Those unfamiliar with the famous "Mithradates of the Seven- 
teenth Century" are referred to the following sources : "Nouveau 
Dictionnaire Historique et Critique," Article, Schurman. Schotel : 
"Anna Maria van Schurman." Tschackert: "Anna Maria von 
Schurman." 



293] Labadie and the Labadists. 23 

ence of Anna Maria van Schurman, 1 were not altogether 
favorably impressed with him. To them he was not only 
the brilliant divine, but also an irresponsible visionary, not 
only the eminent theologian, but an arrogant egotist. Hence 
his stay at Utrecht was short. At Middleburg, Zealand, his 
previous successes were repeated. Among his converts was 
the Ch. de Rochefort. 2 Such an aggressive personality dom- 
inated by a sincere conviction of a call to attempt a great 
work of reform in the Church could not but eventually 
antagonize the established ecclesiastical order. Such was 
the case. He became embroiled with the ecclesiastical and 
civil authorities and was formally deposed from the minis- 
try. 3 In this position he felt the alternative thrust upon him 
of founding an independent church, which should illustrate 
the pure principles and practices of the Christian faith, as 
he conceived them. Being driven out of Middleburg, he 
established at Veere, a church which he styled the Evangel- 
ical. 4 The States of Zealand again ordered him to move on, 
After a demonstration on the part of the burghers which 
nearly precipitated an armed conflict, Labadie removed to 
Amsterdam, where he had an interval of peace, and an op- 
portunity to establish a communal society, theories of which 
had always been cherished by Labadie. 5 

The Church at Amsterdam grew and prospered. Over- 
tures of union were received from various sectaries, nota- 
bly the Society of Friends, all of which Labadie declined 
to consider. 6 Labadism as an independent ecclesiastical sys- 

1 Schotel : , "Anna Maria van Schurman,'' p. 167. 

2 The eminent cartographer. 

3 Ypey en Dermout : "Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche Hervormde 
Kerk," vol. Ill, p. 88, note 128; vol. II, note 751. "Historie curieuse 
dela vie, Sr. Jean Labadie," p. 22, etseq. "Nouveau Dictionnaire," 
Article, Labadie. "Historisch Verhaelnopensder Labadisten Scheur- 
ingh," 2d edition, 1770, pp. 14, 15. 

4 De Labadie: "Declaration Chretienne," etc. "Historisch Ver- 
hael," etc., p. 15. 

5 A. M. a Schurman: "Eucleria Seu Melioris Partis Electio," 
p. 147. 

6 "Nouveau Dictionnaire," Article, Labadie. 



24 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [294 

tern became the subject of a great deal of polemical writing 
on the part of its founder, his friends and his adversaries. 

After a long period of uninterrupted and peaceful devel- 
opment, some disorders occurring at their services fur- 
nished a reason for the civil authorities to place such restric- 
tions upon the society as practically to cripple the Church. 
In this emergency, the Princess Elizabeth, daughter of 
Frederick the Elector Palatine and King of Bohemia, who 
was a friend of Anna Maria van Schurman, became their 
patroness. She tendered them the Abbey of Herford, in 
Westphalia, of which she was abbess. 1 But here also they 
were denied a permanent asylum. Their immediate offense 
was certain excesses which were indulged in by some of 
their number, and which resulted in the withdrawal of many 
of the more sober and intelligent members of the commu- 
nity. 2 

The Princess being ordered by the Imperial Diet to 
cause the removal of the Labadists from Herford, the whole 
company sorrowfully embarked for Altona, Denmark, in 
1672. Here Labadie died two years later. His death 
evoked estimates of his work and worth from high ecclesias- 
tical sources and it is significant to note that the general 
expression was in a high degree laudatory. 

His evident fanaticism and strong personal ambition 
were recognized and deplored, but his bold and fearless 
attacks upon immorality and upon lassitude in the Church, 
had an awakening influence upon the ecclesiastical organ- 
ization, which long survived him. Indeed, the Dutch his- 
torians are disposed to regard Labadie's chief work the 
leavening of the old lump, by the many hundreds of his 
converts who remained in connection with the Reformed 
Church, and the Labadists after Labadie who were re- 

1 "Eucleria," pp. 182-184. 

3 On one occasion of the celebration of the Lord's Supper, a spir- 
itual dance was indulged in by men and women promiscuously, with 
the accompanying excesses of indiscriminate kissing and embracing. 
" Historisch Verhael nopens der Labadisten Scheuringh," p. 73, 
et seq. 



295] Labadie and the Labadists. 25 

ceived back into the Reformed Communion upon the disin- 
tegration of their own society. Pierre Yvon succeeded to 
the position of Father of the community. The problem of 
properly provisioning a large community led the Labadists 
to remove to Weiward, in Friesland, where they became 
established in an estate called Thetinga or Waltha House, 
which was tendered to them by the three daughters of 
Francis Aarsen, Lord of Sommeldyk. There in the depths 
of a thick grove of stately trees they lived in rigid accord- 
ance with the practices which had been left them by their 
late lamented leader for the regulation of their religious 
lives. From the simple people of the neighboring hamlet 
they received the name of Bosch-lieden, "people of the 
woods." 1 

If communal Labadism was born at Amsterdam, it was 
at Weiward that it attained its full measure of strength, 
declined and died. For more than half a century this place 
was the seat of the new Church, and from it jurisdiction 
was exercised over the few feeble communities planted at 
other places. From Weiward also proceeded the colonists 
who settled in Maryland,' and from Weiward proceeded the 
voice of authority that controlled these colonists. 

At Weiward the Labadists were still subjected to eccle- 
siastical persecution. Synod after synod furnished oppor- 
tunities for forensic declamation against them on the part 
of ill-disposed ministers. 2 The Estates of the Provinces, 
however, maintained their tolerant attitude towards the oft- 
persecuted sect. 

The return of the Labadists to The Netherlands had 
been marked by large accessions to the community. Among 
those received at this time was Peter Dittleback, the trans- 
lator into Dutch of Anna Maria van Schurman's "Eucleria," 
and the author of the work, entitled "Verval en Val Laba- 
disten," to which reference has been made. 

1 "Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche Hervormde Kerk," note 149. 
a "Acts of the Synod of Friesland for the Year 1675," Article 44. 



CHAPTER IV. 
COLONIZATION IN AMERICA. 

Two distinct sets of forces were operating to link Alary- 
land with a movement which, though modest in its local 
development and influence, is yet recognized by Dutch writ- 
ers as one of the most significant developments in the Re- 
formed Church of The Netherlands. Having considered 
the history of Labadism prior to its planting in Maryland, 
and having studied the doctrines and practices which the 
Maryland Labadists held in common with the mother com- 
munity, we must now notice the course of events which gave 
the name ''Labadie Tract" to the nomenclature of the State. 

Whatever may be the theories concerning the source 
and motives of religious toleration in Colonial Maryland, 
certain it is that where religious toleration has been practiced 
the result has been the attraction or development of sects 
reflecting the various shades of religious opinion. Whether 
or not Maryland's attitude in this respect attracted the Lab- 
adists to her shores, it is a fact that their experience of 
repeated persecutions in Europe, had led them to turn their 
eyes longingly towards the New World, in the hope that 
they might there discover a haven of refuge, where they 
might practice the principles of their faith without let or 
hindrance. 

The particular circumstances which favored the settle- 
ment of the Labadists in Maryland lead to a consideration 
of the manorial grant of Lord Baltimore to one Augustine 
Herrman j 1 for it was upon the lands thus granted that the 
settlement of the Labadists was made. 

1 There are various spellings of the name, and on these spellings 
hinges the controversy of Herman's nativity, the Germans claim- 
ing him for themselves and asserting that Bohemia was his adopted 
country, while the Bohemians claim that he was a native of Prague. 
26 



297] Colonization in America. 27 

Augustine Herrman, ''first founder and seater of Bohe- 
mia Manor," was a Bohemian adventurer who made his 
way to America in the service of the West India Company. 
He is generally believed to have been a native of Prague, 
Bohemia, and to have been born about the year 1608. A 
fair education, supplemented by the opportunities of an 
adventurous career had made him conversant with French, 
Dutch, German and English. He was also an excellent 
surveyor and something of an artist. 

As a soldier he had seen active service under Gustavus 
Adolphus, and upon retiring engaged in various commercial 
undertakings in the service of the West India Company 1 
and thus made his way to New Netherlands. New Amster- 
dam, where he made his home, felt the impress of his strong 
personality in many ways. He was an original member of 
the council of nine men instituted by Governor Stuyvesant 
in 1647, and his name appears in various important trans- 
actions, while serving as a member of this council. 2 

His connection with Maryland matters dates from his 
appointment by Governor Stuyvesant as a special commis- 
sioner, along with Resolved Waldron, to negotiate with 
Governor Fendall, of Maryland, relative to the disputed 
eastern boundary of Lord Baltimore's Province. 3 As an 
instance of his acute discernment, he pointed cut that Lord 
Baltimore's patent only invested him with such lands as had 
not Been previously inhabited by any persons save the bar- 
barous people called Indians. This interpretation of the 
terms of the charter was not acceptable to the Maryland 
authorities, and the dispute was referred to the respective 
governments for adjudgment. 

1 Johnston: "History of Cecil County," p. 15. 
2 "Ancient Families of New York," in New York Genealogical and 
Biographical Record, April, 1878, p. 54. 
3 "New York Colonial Documents," vol. II. 



28 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [298 

Waldron returned to New Amsterdam to submit their 
report, and Herrman proceeded to Virginia to clear the 
Dutch of the charge of inciting the Indians in the Accomac 
to hostilities against the English. Returning, he passed 
through what is now Cecil County, Maryland. So favorably 
was he impressed with the beauty and advantages of the 
section, that he commenced negotiations with Lord Balti- 
more, which resulted in his receiving an extensive land 
grant in consideration of his making a map of Maryland 
and Virginia, which would be valuable to Lord Baltimore in 
the settlement of the boundary dispute pending between the 
two colonies. 1 Thus Herrman was invested with about 
twenty-four thousand acres of the most desirable lands of 
what is now Cecil County, Maryland, and New Castle 
County, Delaware, which he elected into several manors, 
called by him, "Bohemia Manor," "St. Augustine Manor," 
"Little Bohemia," and "The Three Bohemian Sisters." 

Among the titles of Acts passed by the Maryland As- 
sembly, is one dated 1666, which provides for the naturaliza- 
tion of several persons therein named, and including "Au- 
gustine Herrman of Prague, in the Kingdom of Bohemia, 
Ephraim, Georgius and Casparus, sons of said Augustine, 
Anna Margaritta, Judith and Francina, his daughters." 2 

It was the design of Lord Baltimore to erect a county 
that should bear his name, so that one of the specifications 
of Herrman's grant was that he should erect a County of 
Cecil with the town of Cecilton. Herrman's lands were 
at that time included in Baltimore County, which embraced 
all the head tributaries of the Chesapeake. The year of his 
settlement in Maryland, the year 1661, he mentions that he 
was engaging settlers to unite to form a village. It is not 
probable that he succeeded in his purpose. The County of 

l A reprint of this map is in the possession of the Maryland His- 
torical Society. 

2 Bacon, sub Anno 1666. This was the first naturalization act 
passed by any of the Colonies. 



299] Colonisation in America. 29 

Cecil was subsequently erected, and until that time Herr- 
man was a Justice of the Peace of Baltimore County. 

The alliance of his eldest son, Ephriam, with the Laba- 
dists, who made their appearance in America in 1679, leads 
us to consider the circumstances and motives which led the 
Labadists to Maryland and effected their settlement on 
"Bohemia Manor." The circumstances were industrial and 
economic, the motives were religious. Along with a desire 
to find in the New World an asylum where they might 
peacefully pursue their communal life, they were actuated 
by a praiseworthy zeal for the conversion of the Indians. 
But, perhaps, the scheme of colonization found its greatest 
strength in the industrial needs of the community at 
Weiward. The problem of sustenance for a community of 
above one hundred persons was one not easy of solution; 
and, indeed, at the time of its highest development this 
problem was magnified four-fold. 

At the time of their greatest prosperity they received 
a visit in 1667 from William Penn and his associates, Fox, 
Barclay and Keith, 1 who renewed the overtures of union 
which William Penn had made to Labadie in Amster- 
dam. But the Friends left without accomplishing their pur- 
pose, though with pleasant impressions of the people so like 
themselves in the mystical elements of their faith. 

The community the Quakers visited at Weiward was an 
eminently industrious one. Each member had an assign- 
ment of work, the returns for which went into the general 
coffer. 2 Of this industry, Anna Maria van Schurman says : 
"It is nearly incredible with what splendid order, with what 
comfort and ease even the heaviest and most difficult work 
is performed by us, where the Christly love, which maketh 
not ashamed, goes before and directs everything. By the 
singular blessing of God, it sometimes happens that we do 

1 "Penn's Travels," 4th ed., p. 98, "De Labadie en de Labadisten." 
Gough : "History of the People called Quakers," p. 9, 492 ; part II, 
p. 12. 

2 "De Labadie en de Labadisten," pp. 118-119, part II. 



30 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [300 

more work in a single day than other workers of the same 
kind in three or four days." 1 

The lands at Weiward were chiefly valuable for graz- 
ing, but Dittleback ascribes their failure for agricultural 
purposes to indifferent cultivation. Besides sheep-raising 
and agriculture, various other pursuits were engaged in. 
There were complete facilities for printing and publish- 
ing books and tracts, the sale and circulation of which 
devolved on some members of the community. Soap manu- 
facture was followed with indifferent success ; the sale of 
Labadie pills brought considerable profit to the commu- 
nity, while the Labadist wool was a celebrated brand of the 
times. There were also in the community tailors, shoe- 
makers, bricklayers, carpenters, etc. But the revenues from 
all sources were insufficient to provide more than the scan- 
tiest subsistence for the whole company of men, women and 
children. 2 

The policy pursued was to relieve the mother com- 
munity by successive subdivisions and the establishment of 
communities at other places. The Labadists had discovered 
that the plan of concentrating a very large force at any one 
point was impracticable in communal relations, unless 
forms of remunerative employment sufficient to meet their 
needs could be originated. So, as the community increased 
in number, daughter churches were established at Rotter- 
dam, The Hague, and elsewhere. They considered this form 
of Church organization to be primitive and apostolic, and as 
in all things they endeavored to foster the ideal of their 
illustrious founder — the reproduction of the living image 
of the early Church — they endeavored to model their Church 
organization and adapt its administration to the sacred pat- 
tern, just as in practice they sought to reproduce the customs 
of the early Church. 

The attention of the Labadists had been first directed 



1 "Eucleria," p. 145, et scq. 

1 "Korte onderrichtinge, rakende den staet en maniere van het der 
Labadisten." 



301] Colonisation in America. 31 

to the New World by the three sisters of the Lord of Som- 
melsdyk, 1 who was also the Governor of Surinam, which 
had passed into possession of the Dutch by the treaty of 
Breda, in 1667, in compensation for New York, which was 
ceded to the English. This seemed to be the most desirable 
place in the New World for the establishment of their 
colony, as it was the only possession remaining to the Dutch 
in America, and their colony would be under the patronage 
and protection 2 of the friendly Governor. A deputation that 
was to report on its availability found that the Governor's 
representations were colored by his desire to have such pious 
and industrious people as his colonists, and in reality the 
Eden which they expected to find approximated more closely 
to a hospital. 

The Labadists next considered New York for their 
purposes. The objections to this place were that it had now 
become an English possession, and its Governor, Andros, 
was a Roman Catholic, and they were afraid that under 
him they would not enjoy the measure of religious liberty 
they craved. 3 Another objection to New York was that 
tobacco, which was a staple product, was interdicted by the 
rules of their society. Especially solicitous were they as 
to the probable measure of success with which they might 
preach the evangelical faith to the natives. 

It was determined by the Weiward assembly to send 
two of their number to New York at once to secure land for 
a colony. Peter Sluyter and Jasper Danckers, both promi- 
nent men of the community, were selected for the task. The 
journal, which was kept by these two men, constitutes an 
important source of information concerning the Labadists 
in America. 4 For some prudential reasons they traveled 
under the aliases P. Vorstman and J. Schilders. Their 
departure for America is thus noted: "On the eighth of 

1 Kok: " Vaderlandsch Woordenboek," subject Aarrsens. 

2 "De Labadie en de Labadisten," part II, p. 132. 

3 "De Labadie en de Labadisten," part I. 

4 "Memoirs of the Long Island Historical Society," vol. I. 



32 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [302 

June, 1679, we left home at four o'clock in the morning, 
taking leave of those with whom God had joined us fast in 
spirit, they committing us and we them with tenderness of 
heart, unto the gracious protection of the Highest." They 
arrived at New York on Saturday, the twenty-third of Sep- 
tember. The next day they attended church "in order to 
avoid scandal, as well as for other reasons." On the follow- 
ing Thursday they received a call from one Arnold de la 
Grange, to whom they appeared to have brought letters. 
They thanked him for an invitation to accompany him to 
the South River, and replied that they would await the 
Lord's will as to their future course. Their journal is 
instructive as showing the manner of life of the American 
Colonists, unless the experiences they relate were excep- 
tional. A night spent on the estates of a fellow-countryman 
from Utrecht is thus described: "After supper we went 
to sleep in the barn upon some straw spread with sheep- 
skins, in the midst of the continual grunting of hogs, squeal- 
ing of pigs, bleating and coughing of sheep, barking of dogs, 
crowing of cocks, cackling of hens, and especially a goodly 
quantity of fleas and vermin, of no small portion of which 
we were participants ; and all with an open barn door 
through which a fresh northwest wind was blowing." 

They sought in a quiet way to insinuate their doctrines 
into the minds of those whom they met in familiar converse. 
Remembering one of the declared purposes of their com- 
mission, they also sought every opportunity to acquaint 
themselves with the religious conceptions of the Indians, and 
expressed themselves in terms of indignation at the frauds 
perpetrated upon the natives. "Although," sav they, "it is 
forbidden to sell drink to the Indians, yet every one does it, 
and so much the more earnestly, and with so much greater 
and burning avarice, that it is done in secret. To this extent 
and further reaches the damnable and insatiable covetous- 
ness of most of those who here call themselves Christians." 

Shortly after the date of this observation an event 
occurred which determined Maryland as the place of the 



303] Colonization in America. 33 

Labadist settlement in America. This event is recorded in 
the journal as follows : "From this time (October 18) 
to the twenty-second of October, nothing especially took 
place, except that we spoke to one Ephraim, a young trader, 
who was just married here, and intended to go to the South 
River, where he usually dwelt, for which purpose he was 
only waiting for horses and men from there." 1 Thus is 
described the meeting of the Labadist commissioners with 
Ephraim, the eldest son of Augustine Herrman. They 
thankfully accepted his invitation. 

Their journal of daily events during this journey is not 
noteworthy for the purposes of this study, save as it com- 
ments upon and characterizes the Quakers, for whom they 
express the greatest contempt, notwithstanding the high 
esteem in which the Society of friends was held at Weiward. 
They speak of their experience at Burlington, a Quaker vil- 
lage, as follows : "We went again to the village this morn- 
ing, and entered the ordinary exhorter's house, where we 
breakfasted with Quakers, but the most worldly of men in 
all their deportment and conversations. We found lying 
upon the window a copy of 'Virgil,' as if it were a com- 
mon hand-book, and also Helmont's book of medicine, whom, 
in an introduction which they have made to it, they make 
pass for one of their sect, although in his lifetime he did 
not know anything about Quakers, and if they had been in 
the world or should have come into it while he lived, he 
would quickly have said no to them ; but it seems these peo- 
ple will make all those who have had any genius in any 
respect more than common, pass for theirs, which is great 
pride, wishing to place themselves far above all others; 
whereas the most of them whom I have seen as yet are 
miserably self-minded in physical and religious knowledge." 1 

Further in their journal they again describe their ex- 
perience with the Quakers: "In the evening there also 
arrived three Quakers, one of whom was the greatest pro- 

1 "Memoirs of the Long Island Historical Society," vol. I, p. 153. 
2 Ibid., p. 176. 



34 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [304 

phetess, who traveled through the whole country in order 
to quake. She lives in Maryland, and forsakes husband 
and children, plantation and all, and goes of! for this pur- 
pose. She had been to Boston, and was there arrested by 
the authorities on account of her quakery. This worthy 
personage came here in the house where we were, although 
Ephraim avoided her. They sat by the fire and drank a 
dram of rum with each other, and in a short time afterwards 
began to shake and groan so that we did not know what had 
happened and supposed they were going to preach, but 
nothing came out of it. I could not endure them and went 
out of doors." The next day the journalist continues, "The 
dinner being ready I was placed at the table next to the 
before-named prophetess, who, while they all sat at the table, 
began to groan and quake gradually until at length the 
whole bench shook, then rising up she began to pray, shriek- 
ing so that she could be heard as far as the river." 1 

The following day they record their arrival at New 
Castle, where they were welcomed to Ephraim Herrman's 
home 2 by his sister, whom they describe as "a little volatile, 
but of a sweet and good disposition." Here they met Mr. 
John Moll, a man of considerable distinction in the affairs of 
Delaware, and with whom they had previous acquaintance 
in New York, and who became one of their converts. Con- 
cerning - Ephraim and his wife, they confidently expressed 
the hope that they would yet bring forth the seed the Lord 
had sown in them in his own time. A devout hope which 
was realized in the case of Ephraim to the sorrow of his 
wife. 

The two Labadists next lepaired to the home of Mr. 
Moll, expecting to be met there by servants of Casparus 
Herrman, who were to conduct them to their master's plan- 
tation. They digress enough in their journal to describe 
the system of indented servitude which they found on Mr. 
Moll's plantation and which they strongly denounce. 

1 "Memoirs," pp. 182-183, 186. 2 Ibid., p. 188. 



305] Colonization in America. 35 

They proceeded to Casparus Herrman's, and in his 
absence they examined into the suitability of the "Manor" — 
St. Augustine's — for their purposes. The next day they 
visited Augustine Herrman's, meeting Casparus Herr- 
man on the way. They describe "Bohemia Manor'' as a 
noble piece of land, and speak of Maryland generally as 
the most fertile portion of North America, and add that it 
could be wished that it were also the most healthy. They 
presented to Augustine Herrman letters of introduction 
from his eldest son. 1 The worthy Bohemian appears to 
have been attracted to the two Labadists, and assured them 
that while he would not consent to sell or hire his land to 
Englishmen, yet they might buy what they desired cheap. 
Without entering into a definite contract for the transfer 
of land to the Labadists, Augustine Herrman rendered 
himself legally liable for such a transfer, so that on the 
return of the Labadists to America with colonists, the con- 
summation of the sale of a portion of his estates to them 
was enforced by law. "Bohemia Manor" was free from the 
objection which they made to the plantation of Casparus 
Herrman, viz : that it lay along a road "and was, therefore, 
resorted to by every one, especially by these miserable 
Quakers." 

The Labadists proceeded to New Castle, Delaware, 
where they were cordially received by their friend Ephraim 
Herrman. The following Friday, Augustine Herrman was 
sent for by his father, the Labadists supposing the sum- 
mons to have reference to their proposed land transaction 
with the elder Herrman. 2 In view of Ephraim's friend- 
ship for them they congratulated themselves that this 
augured well for their prospects. But in view of subsequent 
developments it is probable that Augustine Herrman's sus- 
picions had been aroused as to the Labadists, and that 
he sent for his son in order to sever his connection with 
them. This is abundantly borne out by the fact that the 

1 "Memoirs," p. 195. % Ibid., p. 225. 



36 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [306 

Labadists had subsequently to resort to law to compel Herr- 
man to hold to his engagement and to transfer to them 
the land for which they had negotiated. Besides this, in a 
codicil to the will of Augustine Herrman, which was made 
not a great while subsequent to this, provision is made for 
the appointment of three of his neighbors as his executors, 
instead of his son Ephraim, the motive assigned for the 
change being that Ephraim adhered to the Labadist faction, 
and was using his best efforts to proselyte his brothers and 
sisters, and he feared the Labadists would become, through 
Ephraim, sole owners of all his lands. Nor were his fears 
groundless. 

Having accomplished their mission to America, the 
Labadist commissioners returned to New York to embark 
for their own country. Until their departure their journal 
is prolix with conversations held with various persons on 
the subject of religion, some of whom are afterwards met 
in connection with the Labadist settlement in Mary- 
land. The policy of the Labadists was to enlist converts 
by personal converse, and not by preaching. They attended 
church service whenever possible on Sundays, for pruden- 
tial reasons alone, as they themselves admit. They studi- 
ously avoided bringing themselves into public notice, as 
though fearful, lest the object of their visit to the country 
becoming known, their plans might miscarry. While await- 
ing a ship in which to take passage, they received a visit 
from Ephraim Herrman and his wife in fulfillment of a 
promise made them on their departure from New Castle. 

A notable event which occurred during their waiting 
was a visit paid to the Labadists by Pieter Beyaert, "a 
deacon of the Dutch Church," w T hom they describe as "a 
very good sort of a person, whom God the Lord began to 
teach and enlighten, both ir regard to the destruction of 
the world in general and of himself in particular." 1 This 
was an ancestor of the Bayards, of Delaware. He later left 

1 "Memoirs," pp. 343-344- 






307] Colonisation in America. 37 

New York and removed to the vicinity of Casparus Herr- 
man's home, and was subsequently a member of the Laba- 
dist community. 

On June 19 the Labadists embarked for Boston, intend- 
ing to visit that place before starting for Weiward. While 
at New York their reticence with regard to themselves and 
their apparent lack of definite purpose, had awakened sus- 
picions and surmises concerning them, so that they were 
variously credited with being Roman Catholic priests, 
Quakers, Brownists and David Jorists. At Boston they 
surrounded themselves with the same air of mystery and 
were suspected of being Jesuits. 

John Eliot, the missionary to the Indians, to whom they 
sold copies of their publications, enjoyed the exceptional 
distinction of being the only religionist outside of their own 
faith, of whom they had a favorable word to say ; due, per- 
haps, in some measure to the fact that work among the 
Indians was one of the avowed purposes of their own com- 
ing to America. They represent Eliot as expressing him- 
self as highly pleased with the principles of their faith and 
as profoundly grateful to God for sending such pious people 
to the New World. On the twenty-third day of July, the 
Labadists set sail for Europe. 



CHAPTER V. 
LABADISTS AND THE MANOR. 

In 1683 the two Labadists returned again to Mary- 
land.7 bringing with them the nucleus of a colony. As has 
been stated already, Augustine Herrman refused to con- 
summate the sale of his land to them, and they only suc- 
ceeded in obtaining what has since been known as the Laba- 
die tract, by recourse to law. The deed is executed to Peter 
Sluyter (alias Vorstman), Jasper Danckers (alias Schil- 
ders, of Friesland), Petrus Bayard, of New York, and John 
Moll and Arnold de la Grange in company. This deed is 
dated August 11, 1684. 1 The tract conveyed embraced four 
necks of land eastwardly from the first creek that empties 
into Bohemia River, from the north or northeast to near 
the old St. Augustine or Manor Church. It contained 
thirty-seven hundred and fifty acres. 

Those who were associated with Sluyter and Danckers 
in this land transaction are all persons who have been 
referred to before in this paper. They were all professed 
converts to Labadism. Soon after they had received the 
deed of the land, Moll and la Grange conveyed their inter- 
est in it to Sluyter and Danckers. Bayard retained his 
interest until 1688, when he seems to have left the commu- 
nity and returned to his wife. 2 



1 "Baltimore County Records." 

2 He and Ephraim Herrman had both separated from their wives 
on embracing Labadism. There is a tradition that Augustine Herr- 
man pronounced a curse upon his son Ephraim that he might not 
live two years after his union with the Labadists, and he actually did 
die within that time, but not before he had repented of joining the 
Labadists, and, like Bayard, returned to his wife. 

38 



309] Labadists and the Manor. 39 

The advent of the Labadists into Maryland does not 
seem to have attracted great attention. The aggressive 
spirit which characterized the Labadists in The Netherlands 
did not manifest itself in the New World. The additions 
to the community were made largely from converts among 
their own countrymen of New York. 

The industrial activities of the Labadists show the 
influence upon them of new conditions. Slave labor and 
the cultivation of tobacco had been two objections advanced 
against the planting of a colony in America, yet notwith- 
standing the virtuous indignation expressed in their journal 
against these practices, we find the Labadists engaged in 
cultivating tobacco extensively, and using for the purpose 
the slave labor that was so abhorrent to them. In addition 
to the cultivation of tobacco, the culture of corn, flax and 
hemp, and cattle raising were prominent among their indus- 
tries. 

But the main purpose of the community was not rapidly 
accomplished. Their maximum development but slightly 
exceeded a hundred men, women and children. 1 The feel- 
ing of detestation for them expressed by Herrman in a 
codicil to his will, seems to have been very generally shared 
by their neighbors. This was doubtless in part due to the 
distrust engendered by their peculiarities and their seclu- 
siveness of life. The peculiar forms of the Labadists were 
not favorable to the propagation of their faith ; so that there 
seems to have Been no attempt whatever by energetic public 
preaching or by missionary efforts among the Indians, to 
realize the hopes of the mother community in sending them 
out. The spirit of zeal for the salvation of men that gave 
rise to Labadism was not manifested by the Church in Mary- 
land. It may be that the report of the decline of their faith 
at Weiward had a disheartening effect upon them. But, 
however this may be, the fact remains that the Maryland 
Colonists whom the Labadists in their journal describe as 

1 Samuel Bownas : "Life, Travels, Experiences," etc., p. g. 



40 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [310 

very godless and profane, were little bettered by the coming 
of the Labadists among them. Their efforts in this direc- 
tion were confined to endeavors at proselyting individuals, 
and frequently those were selected for their proselyting 
attempts, who would bring some substantial material bene- 
fits to the community. 

In 1698 a division of the "Labadie Tract'" was effected. 
Sluyter conveyed, for a mere nominal rent, the greater part 
of the land which he possessed to a number of the promi- 
nent men of the community. He reserved one of the necks 
of land and became very wealthy. In 1722 he died. Though 
up to that time there was still kept up some sort of organi- 
zation among the Labadists, yet the division of 1698 marked 
the disintegration of the community, as did a similar division 
at Weiward, at about the same time. There, however, the 
dissolution came by consultative action, the Labadists return- 
ing to the Reformed Church became a leaven of profound 
spirituality, and their influence, it is affirmed, never died. 
The dissolution in Maryland came by the logic of events. 
The community dwindled into extinction. Five years after 
the death of Sluyter, the Labadists had ceased to exist as a 
community; 1 and were it not for certain prominent families 
descended from them, whose genealogy has been carefully 
traced by the Rev. C. Payson Mallary, in his excellent 
monograph. 2 the community on "Bohemia Manor'' would 
be but a memory. 

"When we come to examine into the cause of the failure 
of Labadism to permanently establish itself in the New 
World, we find it to be attributable to that assertion of indi- 
vidualism which has proved destructive to all attempts at 
founding religious or industrial communities, subsequent to 
this first community ever attempted in America. But be- 
sides this weakness, inherent in the communistic system, 
there were particular contributing causes for the failure of 
the Labadist ideal. Of these particular causes those result- 

1 Samuel Bownas : "Life. Travels." etc. 

2 C. Payson Mallary: "Ancient Families of Bohemia Manor." 



311] Labadists and the Manor. 41 

ing from the system itself were more potential than those 
due to the environment in which it was placed. It was con- 
cerned more with intensive spiritual cultivation than with 
extensive propagation. It could operate more successfully 
upon those who were longing to separate themselves from 
worldiness, and were thus responsive to the profound pietis- 
tic aspirations which were the breath of the Labadist faith. 
The Labadist Church was not a pioneer but a reforming 
church. But besides this it had as a heritage from its foun- 
der, formularies and disciplinary methods, which militated 
against it even in those countries where it was originally 
developed. The communistic form of religion is not suited 
to longevity or large accomplishments, and must ever re- 
main a Utopian ideal. 

The personal character of those at the head of the com- 
munity would of itself have operated against its success. 
Sluyter, though a man of almost morbid religious tendencies, 
was yet a man of strong mercenary instincts ; and the merce- 
nary motive seems to have gained the ascendency in the 
community. 

Had Sluyter been possessed of the strong traits of 
character which presaged success to the pioneers of Puritan- 
ism, Catholicism, Quakerism, or any of the other vigorous 
systems, which had already, or which subsequently came 
with a strong hand to possess the New World for God, 
Labadism might have wrought itself into the religious life 
of the Colonies as effectively as did any of these systems of 
faith. Yet the decline of the Mother Church at Weiward, 
not only had a disheartening effect upon the Maryland 
Church, but so intimately connected were they by the Laba- 
dist polity, that the downfall of the communal fabric at 
Weiward, meant assuredly dissolution in Maryland, as the 
Labadist system had in it no latent possibilities of adaptation 
to new conditions. 

And now, perhaps this paper cannot find a more fitting 
close than is offered by a glance at the declining fortunes of 
"Bohemia Manor." Augustine Herrman, its founder, had 



42 The Labadist Colony in Maryland. [312 

cherished the ambition of perpetuating his name through a 
line of male descent, and desired that each of his male 
descendants in the line of primogeniture should incorporate 
in his name, the name of Augustine, on coming into pos- 
session of "Bohemia Manor.'' The free use of his name, or 
that of his native country, all point to the supreme passion 
of the worthy Bohemian. 

He made fiis last will in 1684, and did not long survive. 
The stone which once marked his resting-place is now en- 
cased in a wooden box. But the place of burial of Augus- 
tine Herrman is beyond the possibility of accurate location. 

His burial on his manorial estates carried out a pro- 
vision of a will which he made, and which, though never 
proved, is preserved among the land records of Baltimore 
County. It is as follows: "I do appoint my burial and 
sepulchre, if I die in this bay or Delaware, to be in 'Bohemia 
Manor/ in my garden by my wife, Johanna Varlett's, and 
that a great sepulchre stone shall be erected upon our graves, 
three feet above the ground, like unto a table, with engraven 
letters that I am the first seater and beginner of 'Bohemia 
Manor,' Anno Domini 1660, and died," etc. 1 

Besides the slab of oolite bearing this inscription, the 
devastation of fire and the ravages of time have left few 
traces of the glory of other days, while the knowledge of 
the Labadists has become such a fading tradition in the 
locality where their history was developed, that very many 
who have been born and reared in the vicinity of "Bohemia 
Manor," have never heard of the sect which once flourished 
in a mild way under the broad toleration of the religious 
policy of Maryland's proprietaries. 



'Baltimore County Land Records," Book I. S., No. I. K. 



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44 Bibliography. 

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VI 



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The History of Mankind 

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H Record of personal Observation and Experience with 
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MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT IN ENGLAND. By Dr. Albert Shaw. 

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Studies in State Taxation, with particular reference to 
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